Ethnicities,
Occupations and Locations of Migrants
Migrants’
Vulnerability to HIV/AIDS
Migrant Children and
Communities
Migrants in Thailand
Thailand is a major receiving country for migrants in Southeast Asia. In July 2004, 1,276,837 migrants including laborers and their family members attempted to register under the state registry of Thailand known as the Tor-Ror 38/1. Of that number, 1,161,013 officially completed their registration. Estimates by Government and NGOs, however, point to the actual number of migrants present, including those registered, as possibly exceeding two million (not including the 117,000 official refugees). Of those migrants working in Thailand, 849,552 registered for a work permit in 2004, and only 810,730 fully completed the issuing process for work permits. Many more migrant laborers do not have work permits, and new migrants are crossing the border for work every day.
Migrants in Thailand predominantly come from the neighboring countries of Myanmar (Burma), Cambodia and Lao PDR, and fill the low-paying “three D” jobs (dirty, dangerous and degrading). Limited economic opportunities in their home countries and high rates of poverty act as push factors that drive many young or able bodied men and women to cross into Thailand to make money to support their families or to build their future. Pull factors include numerous job opportunities for migrants in Thailand, primarily in sectors that Thais have abandoned, such as fishing, construction, factories, domestic work and agriculture. (See Table 1)
Thais left these demanding jobs because of the poor work conditions and the low pay rate. Even though these jobs are considered low paying to Thais, generally, migrants can receive up to five times the wage they would receive working in their home country. [The 2003 Gross National Income per capita in USD for these countries is as follows: Cambodia - $310; Lao PDR - $320; Myanmar - $220; Thailand - $2,190. Thailand's gross domestic product accounted for 91% of the combined GDP of Thailand, Burma, Cambodia and Lao PDR in 2003. (ESCAP, 2003)] Moreover, migrants' tolerance level of poor working and living conditions is high considering the poverty they face at home, their limited options for gainful employment, and the fact that few are aware of, understand or are able to defend their rights.
In source communities (communities where migrants come from in their countries of origin), migration has been fueled by the perception that working abroad is a mechanism for improving a family’s financial well being through visible displays of wealth, such as new houses, televisions or motorcycles - much of which has been purchased with remittances from Thailand. Migrants who return to their home communities have also perpetuated migration by taking new recruits back with them. Reportedly, some former migrants have become agents or brokers who actively recruit and assist people to migrate to Thailand for work. These agents are part of a network that smuggles people into the country, commonly including Thai officials and police. Unfortunately, in many cases, migrants have also returned home with HIV/AIDS, and many of these source communities are now disproportionately suffering from high rates of HIV compared to other parts of their country.
Migrants from Cambodia; Migrants from Lao PDR; Migrants from Myanmar (Burma)
Only migrants from the three neighboring countries of Myanmar (Burma), Lao PDR and Cambodia are currently allowed to register as migrant workers in Thailand, with the pronounced majority coming from Myanmar.
Results from the Thai Government’s state registration of migrants in July 2004, which included migrant workers and dependents, showed that out of the total 1,284,920 migrants that entered the registration system, almost 72 percent (921,492) came from Myanmar, while those from Cambodia made up just over 14 percent (183,541), and those from Lao PDR constituted just under 14 percent (179,887). (See Chart 1) The nationality of migrants registering for work permits was proportionately similar. (See Tables 1 & 2)

Source: Office of Foreign Workers
Administration, Department of Employment, Ministry of Labour, 2004
Migrants congregate in certain
occupations around Thailand, in part, influenced by geographic factors and
chain migration. (See Table 1) As Myanmar has the longest contiguous border
with Thailand and most migrants come from Myanmar, migrants from Myanmar can be
found working throughout most of the country. (See Table 2)
|
Work Category |
Myanmar |
Cambodia |
Lao PDR |
TOTAL |
Percent |
|
Agriculture |
125,723 |
17,761 |
13,506 |
156,990 |
18% |
|
Household
worker (includes domestic worker, home care, gardener…) |
86,109 |
8,104 |
32,156 |
126,369 |
15% |
|
Construction |
87,807 |
27,673 |
9,310 |
124,790 |
15% |
|
Seafood
processing and related industries |
68,834 |
5,228 |
1,055 |
75,117 |
9% |
|
Fishermen (Ocean) |
31,542 |
22,542 |
2,100 |
56,184 |
7% |
|
Rice Milling, Brick Factory, Ice Factory, Goods transport (docks and
warehouses), Mining, Fresh Water Fishing |
21,256 |
4,355 |
2,045 |
27,656 |
3% |
|
Animal
husbandry |
19,704 |
2,382 |
3,597 |
25,683 |
3% |
|
Misc.
(may include general laborer, service industry, and sex work) |
192,717 |
22,556 |
41,490 |
256,763 |
30% |
|
TOTAL |
633,692 |
110,601 |
105,259 |
849,552 |
100% |
|
|
75% |
13% |
12% |
|
|
Source: Office of Foreign Workers Administration,
Department of Employment, Ministry of Labour, June 2005
Migrants from Cambodia are
primarily all of Khmer ethnicity. Cambodian migrants speak the Khmer language,
which is generally a uniform language, however, literacy rates in Cambodia are
only around 68 percent. (UNICEF, 2001) The Khmer language has some similarities
with the Thai language, and many Cambodians are able to learn to speak Thai,
especially those who stay in Thailand a considerable time or those who lived
and worked at the Thai border prior to entering the country. Many of the
Cambodians working as fishermen come from the provinces of Prey Veng and
Kompong Cham - some of the country’s poorest provinces adjacent the Vietnam
border.
Cambodians work in small factories
and in agriculture in the eastern provinces of Thailand close to the Cambodian
border, and in construction in Bangkok and adjacent provinces. Many Cambodian
men work as fishermen, which makes them highly mobile. As a result, Cambodians
are prominent at southern ports along the eastern Gulf coast, with a considerable
presence in the southern provinces of Pattani and Songkhla. Almost 70 percent
of working-age migrants from Cambodia are male. (See Chart 2)
Chart 2 - Distribution of
Registered Migrant Workers over 15 Years of age by Sex and Nationality (2004)

Although Lao PDR has numerous
ethnic hill tribes, according to NGOs working on migration in Lao PDR and
Thailand, most of those crossing into Thailand for work are reportedly lowland
Laotians. Many lowland Laotians are able to speak Thai, attributable to Laotian
culture and language being closely related to Thailand’s, and being inundated
by Thai media. Literacy rates in Lao PDR are around 65 percent. (UNICEF, 2001)
Being able to communicate easily
in Thai and having similar facial characteristics and skin tone as Thais,
Laotians are generally inconspicuous as migrants. Geographically, migrants from
Lao PDR are likely to work in east and northeastern provinces of Thailand in
agriculture and as general laborers. As borne out by registration statistics
(See Tables 1 & 2), the greatest concentration of Laotians is in Bangkok
and the adjacent provinces, where they do general labor including working in
factories, with a considerable number of women doing domestic work. Laotian
migrants have a small presence in eastern coastal areas where some work in the
seafood industry. Out of those registered as a Lao PDR national, women
constitute about 55 percent of those of working age. (See Chart 2)
Table 2 - Migrants Registered for
Work Permits in Thailand
by Region and Nationality (2004)
|
Region |
Myanmar |
Lao PDR |
Cambodia |
Total |
Percent |
|
Bangkok |
105,779 |
40,182 |
17,709 |
163,670 |
19% |
|
Central |
157,234 |
24,877 |
23,883 |
205,994 |
24% |
|
East |
35,159 |
15,278 |
54,283 |
104,720 |
12% |
|
West |
46,685 |
3,850 |
2,105 |
52,640 |
6% |
|
North |
130,434 |
3,121 |
947 |
134,502 |
16% |
Northeast
|
2,832 |
11,635 |
1,465 |
15,932 |
2% |
|
South |
155,569 |
6,316 |
10,209 |
172,094 |
20% |
|
TOTAL |
633,692 |
105,259 |
110,601 |
849,552 |
99%* |
*(due to rounding)
Source: Office of Foreign Workers Administration, Department of Employment,
Ministry of Labour, June 2005
Over 900,000 of the migrants
registered under Thailand's state registry, including dependents and family
members, come from Myanmar, and there are many more present who are undocumented.
Migrants coming from Myanmar encompass the variety of cultures and languages
present in Myanmar’s multi-ethnic landscape. Although Burmese has been imposed
on the country as a lingua franca, many ethnic nationalities still
prefer to speak their indigenous language. Purportedly, there is a literacy
rate of 85 percent in Myanmar (UNICEF, 2001); however, it seems that migrants
who come from poorer areas generally have low education levels, as indicated by
a 35% gross-secondary school enrolment rate for both males and females. (ESCAP,
2003)
Myanmar’s military government has
imposed oppressive conditions that affect all civilians, blurring the lines
between political and economic migration. Accordingly, no one group solely
represents the majority of migrants leaving the country. Whole families are
more likely to migrate from Myanmar than the other countries due to this
pressure, with many migrants congregating in communities at provinces bordering
Myanmar. (See Table 3) Some groups being targeted by the military have been
granted official refugee status in Thailand, but most have not, forcing those
who may have crossed the border for refuge into the labor stream, and
compromising their security by leaving them vulnerable to potential arrest and
deportation.
Shan (also known as Tai Yai),
Lahu, Lisu, Karen, Burmese, Kachin and Ahkka ethnic groups from Myanmar are
mainly found in the northern provinces in Thailand, most prominently in Chiang
Mai. The variety of ethnicities in this province is as varied as the work that
they do: agriculture and animal husbandry, construction, daily labor, factories
of all sizes ranging from mass production to handicrafts, domestic work, small
shops and restaurants, selling flowers, as well as being prominent in sex work.
While the other groups, especially hill tribe groups, may have trouble with
Thai language, the Shan (or Tai Yai) people can quickly integrate, as their
language and facial features are similar to Northern Thais. Their ability to
integrate, however, does not improve their circumstances or guarantee their
rights. (Myanmar’s military government is heavily targeting the Shan, yet they
receive no formal refugee status. Assimilation is a survival strategy for Shan
people, but this has also contributed to a sense of cultural erosion.)
Along Thailand’s western border,
most specifically in Mae Sot in Tak Province where there is a concentration of
factories with special tax benefits, Karen and Burmese (also known as Burman) groups
have a strong presence working in factories (mostly in the garment industry),
agriculture, construction, and as general laborers. Being close to the border,
some crossing daily for work, or being cloistered at their place of work, few
migrants learn to speak Thai.
The Mon group start becoming
prominent along the southern half of the border with Thailand starting at
Kanchanaburi, and can be prominently found working as fishermen in most central
and southern coastal provinces, as well as being prominent in the seafood
processing industry in Mahachai in Samut Sakorn Province. Mon people are known
to be able to learn to speak Thai quickly and are reluctant to speak Burmese or
identify themselves as being of “Burmese” nationality.
There is a strong presence of
Tavoy (Dawei) in the south working in fishing, agriculture, and construction;
and in coastal areas along the northwestern corner of the Gulf of Thailand,
there are pockets of Burmese, Karen and Arakanese (Rakhine), primarily working
in the seafood industry and related jobs. Sex workers from Myanmar’s various
ethnic groups can also be found scattered throughout ports in the south, with
higher concentrations at the border.
Various groups from Myanmar are
also found working in different capacities throughout Bangkok with numerous
young women working as domestic laborers as well as in sex work. The actual
composition of ethnic groups from Myanmar working in the Bangkok metropolitan
and central provinces is unclear, although it is believed that Burmese, Karen
and Mon make up the majority of these groups.
|
Province |
Total # of Migrants
Entering State Registration System (includes dependents) |
Total # of Migrants
Taking Health Exam *^ |
Total # of Migrants
Receiving Work Permits |
|
National
Total |
1,276,837* |
884,634 |
810,730 |
|
Bangkok |
203,488 |
180,057 |
156,888 |
|
Tak** |
124,523 |
52,184 |
60,564 |
|
Samut
Sakhorn |
103,126 |
84,786 |
63,468 |
|
Chiang Mai** |
83,058 |
45,656 |
44,084 |
|
Ranong** |
55,769 |
32,077 |
29,630 |
|
Samut
Prakarn |
51,450 |
27,023 |
44,359 |
|
Chonburi |
49,963 |
40,680 |
32,239 |
*Actual number completed
registration was 1,161,013
**Border province with Burma
*^ Health exam also indicates those purchasing health
insurance
Source: Office of Administration Commission on Irregular Immigrant
Workers, Ministry of Labor and Social Welfare – June, 2005
Inconsistent
Condom Use; Sex Workers; Migrants Living with HIV/AIDS
Migrants’ vulnerability to
HIV/AIDS is increased by a complex set of factors. Foremost, there is still a
large amount of misunderstanding or lack of proper knowledge about HIV among
migrant populations. While there is limited access to condoms, there are
numerous opportunities to engage in risky behaviors. Even when migrants have a
clear understanding of HIV prevention, condom use is still inconsistent,
especially among spouses and sweethearts, which sometimes includes indirect sex
workers.
Structural barriers, such as
language differences, the location of services, documentation, and concerns of
arrest or harassment, hamper migrants’ ability to access proper reproductive
and general health services, including condoms. As a result, untreated STIs
contribute to migrants’ HIV/AIDS vulnerability, and unplanned pregnancies
result in unsafe abortions and other reproductive health problems.
A growing number of migrants are
becoming more aware of HIV/AIDS and proper prevention methods. Misconceptions
are still common however, as is inconsistent condom use.
Limited access to condoms greatly
contributes to inconsistent or low rates of condom use among migrants. When migrants
are confined to their work areas or in remote communities, it makes it
difficult to access condoms unless they are provided by the employer or a
health office, which is rare. Currently, Public Health offices do not count
migrants when procuring or distributing condoms, with the exception of sex
workers. Thus, except for the efforts of NGOs in localized areas, migrants
generally have low access to condoms.
Although there are still some
innocuous misconceptions, such as fears that HIV can be transmitted from a
toilet or through mosquitoes, other misconceptions negatively influence condom
use. Occupations filled by migrants that have the highest risk behaviors
include fishermen and sex workers. After being on a boat for long periods
without sexual release, a practice enforced by superstition, it is common for
fishermen to band together, get drunk and visit sex workers during shore leave.
Although drunkenness influences inconsistent or improper use of condoms,
negative attitudes towards condoms, which are reinforced by uninformed beliefs
about HIV/AIDS, play a greater role in inconsistent or low rates of condom use
among migrant men. Negative attitudes and misinformation about HIV/AIDS are
common among all migrants, however, they seem especially prominent among
fishermen, including feelings that condoms are uncomfortable and unnatural, or
that the need for a condom can be determined on the basis of empirical factors
that indicate a sex worker’s HIV status, such as the temperature or color of
her skin.
Some migrant fishermen, especially
from Myanmar, have enhanced their penises by injecting hair oil or inserting
glass beads under the foreskin, something that is done on boats as a bonding
ritual, and under the misconception that it gives women pleasure. Unfortunately,
these practices may considerably increase the risk of HIV transmission among
fishermen and their partners, as penile
implants make condoms fit improperly or break, cause abrasions in the vaginal
walls of their partners, and may lead to infections in the penis.
Table 4 - Sample Rates of HIV
among Fishermen* (2002-04)
(Migrants
not separated from Thais)
|
Province |
Primary Nationality
of Migrants Present |
2002 |
2003 |
2004 |
|
Chumpon |
4.9% |
0 |
9.4% |
|
|
Pattani |
Cambodia and Burma |
4.5% |
4.8% |
4.5% |
|
Phuket |
Burma |
9.3% |
0 |
5.6% |
|
Ranong |
Burma |
10.0% |
6.5% |
3.3% |
|
Rayong |
Cambodia, Laos and Burma |
N/A |
N/A |
N/A |
|
Songkhla |
Burma and Cambodia |
9.4% |
9.8% |
3.4% |
|
Trad |
Cambodia |
2.2% |
3.9% |
N/A |
Source: Ministry of Public Health, Disease Control Center Thailand:
2001-2004
*Note: Sample sizes for fishermen are often small,
making it unclear whether representative cross-samples are made up of different
boats. Moreover, fishermen are highly mobile, which compromises the ability to
show progression of prevalence rates over time, and instead simply gives a
snapshot of prevalence.
Limited
access to condoms greatly contributes to inconsistent or low rates of condom
use among migrants. When migrants are confined to their work areas or
communities that are remote, it makes it difficult to access condoms unless
they are provided by the employer or a health office, which is extremely rare.
Currently, Public Health offices do not count migrants when procuring or
distributing condoms, with the exception of sex workers. Thus, except for the
efforts of NGOs in localized areas, migrants generally have low access to
condoms.
Even when migrants do have access
to condoms, one factor that compromises consistent condom use is issues of
familiarity and trust (although this is not exclusive to migrants).
Accordingly, condom use with spouses is generally low to negligible among
migrants (again, a phenomenon that is not specific to migrants). Meeting women
at indirect sex establishments, such as karaoke bars or coffee shops, may give
men the impression that the women are not sex workers, while in many cases, the
women working in these venues do not identify themselves in this way either.
Issues of trust and intimacy then override practical issues, such as their or
their partner’s sexual history and previous condom use, resulting in low to
inconsistent condom use. Regardless of the venue where they meet, when a man
goes to the same sex worker regularly, even at a brothel, the couple may
develop feelings for each other, which may also lead to inconsistent or no
condom use.
Rows of karaoke bars, coffee shops
and the occasional brothel are commonly found at or near fishing ports, while
karaoke bars are often found right next door to large construction sites and
factories - occupations with a large presence of migrant workers. Migrant sex
workers are present in these venues to varying degrees depending on the
geographic proximity to the border and the size of the migrant population at
that location. Generally, if available, male migrant workers will seek out karaoke
girls or sex workers who are of the same language group in order to communicate
more easily, but are also known to visit Thai sex workers as well.
Although HIV surveillance by Thai
authorities does not distinguish between Thai and migrant sex workers, rates of
HIV found among sex workers at border provinces can provide a general
indication of rates of HIV among migrant sex workers, because migrant women are
more likely to work in the sex industry in high concentrations at border areas.
Table 5 - Rates of HIV Found among
Direct and Indirect Sex Workers
at Border Provinces (2003-04)
|
Province |
Bordering Country |
Direct Sex Workers 2003 |
Direct Sex Workers 2004 |
Indirect Sex Workers 2003 |
Indirect Sex Workers 2004 |
|
Ranong |
Myanmar |
25% |
28.8% |
4.0% |
7.3% |
|
Kanchanaburi |
Myanmar |
10.3% |
6.9% |
1.6% |
4.1% |
|
Tak |
Myanmar |
14.8% |
4.0% |
- |
- |
|
Chiang Mai |
Myanmar |
- |
8.5% |
1.7% |
2.6% |
|
Trad |
Cambodia |
23.5% |
38.7% |
3.3% |
6.6% |
Source: Ministry of Public Health, Thailand:
2003-4
Migrant sex workers’ vulnerability
to HIV/AIDS increases when they lack accurate information, are unable to access
condoms, or lose the power to negotiate for safer sex. Sex workers’ access to condoms is
problematic if owners are reluctant to provide condoms on the premises because
they feel that it acts as incriminating evidence that there is commercial sex
available, which is illegal. Language barriers are another factor in HIV
vulnerability, as their ability to learn about condoms or potentially negotiate
condom use with clients is diminished if they are not of the same language
group. If a migrant sex worker is in a situation where there is coercion,
threat or force by her employer, including the inherent threat of being an
undocumented migrant, then her ability to negotiate for condom use is further
reduced. Moreover, if a woman is required to take numerous customers in one day
and is not provided lubricant, condoms may cause chaffing, resulting in either
condoms breaking or women taking condoms off their customers due to discomfort.
Migrants
Living with HIV/AIDS
A persistent cough or wasting is
one of the signs that many migrants assume indicates AIDS. Those PLHA (People
Living With HIV/AIDS) who have families with them are reportedly taken care of
by family members; those without family often suffer alone, and eventually die
alone. Some migrant PLHAs have wanted to go home to die as their last wish and
have voluntarily gone to the border; others have been forcibly repatriated
because they are unable to work or have been arrested as an undocumented
migrant. In many cases, those sick from HIV/AIDS only make it as far as the
border, where they find they are not strong enough to make the trip home. These
people may remain at the border until they pass away; the lucky ones are given
refuge at safe houses or temples.
Although migrants with symptomatic
HIV/AIDS are supposedly able to receive palliative care at hospitals, the
ability of migrants to actually receive these services is confounded by issues
of documentation and payment. Moreover, ARV treatment (ART) at subsidized cost
is not available to migrants, making ARVs prohibitively expensive for migrants.
Although ARV for prevention of mother to child transmission (PMTCT) is
supposedly available to all pregnant mothers, including migrants, actual
numbers of migrant women in this program are low. Moreover, once the child is
delivered, neither the migrant mother nor the child is currently eligible for
ART at a subsidized price. Complicating issues of PMTCT is the fact that VCT is
only available in Thai language unless an NGO or trained volunteer assists in
translation.
Numerous barriers limit migrants’
access to health services, and increase migrants’ vulnerability to HIV/AIDS and
reproductive health problems. Some of the most prominent barriers to accessing
health services include:
Ø
Language
barriers that frustrate proper treatment (explaining symptoms or receiving
instructions on treatment)
Ø
Health
insurance regulations, such as the requirement of going to “assigned health
providers,” may not be explained to migrants or may be confusing
Ø
Assigned
health service providers (to obtain flat fee of 30 Baht) may be inconvenient to
reach or far away, adding the expense and arrangement of transportation
Ø
Time
of service provision by health providers may conflict with working hours of
migrants
Ø
Many
employers keep migrants’ ID cards as a form of “insurance,” restricting
migrants’ mobility and making them reliant on their employers to receive the
benefits of the health insurance they have paid for
Ø
Fear
of arrest or harassment deters some migrants, especially those who are
undocumented
Ø
Negative
attitudes of health providers towards migrants makes migrants reluctant to seek
treatment from public service providers
Facing these barriers, migrants
often resort to traditional remedies, which may result in delayed treatment for
conditions such as malaria or TB, or they may seek out traditional healers,
some of who may have unsafe practices. Migrants also go to private clinics,
which are convenient but expensive, or to NGO clinics, which, although are
inexpensive and convenient, are few and far between.
Due to barriers in accessing
public health services, migrants are generally unable to seek proper testing
and treatment of STIs. Similarly, it is difficult for migrant women to pursue
effective courses of contraception, resulting in high rates of unplanned
pregnancy and related reproductive health problems, including unsafe abortion.
Access to a standard set of health services is limited, making it that much
more difficult to obtain specialized services such as VCT (voluntary counseling
and testing). Even when migrants do access counseling services, ART
(Anti-Retro-Viral Treatment) is currently unavailable at subsidized rates,
placing treatment out of reach of migrants.
Migrants have communities of
varying sizes in Thailand. Usually these communities are near or in work sites,
such as in port areas, near factories or on construction sites. In other cases,
they may be hidden in remote or undesirable locations to avoid attention. Many
communities are exposed to swamps or marshy land, industrial effluent, or
excessive amounts of trash. These conditions make migrants more vulnerable to
outbreaks of mosquito-borne diseases such as dengue fever. Housing is often
over-crowded, making migrants highly susceptible to other contagious diseases,
especially tuberculosis, while in other cases housing may consist of ramshackle
shanties, leaving migrants exposed to the elements. Access to clean water is
also problematic with the worst conditions being at construction sites and in
agriculture, where bathing water is often contaminated with runoff or
pesticides.
Children of all ages are present
in many migrant communities (in 2004 there were 93,082 migrants under age 15
registered – See Table 6). Thai law does not provide citizenship for children
born in Thailand, nor are official birth certificates provided. Although the
law states that all children have a right to education, and there is no
prejudice barring migrant children from schools, practical barriers, such as
language differences, prevent migrant children from attending school. Migrant
children often receive preventative health only though vaccination campaigns,
or mobile clinics. When parents go to work, migrant children may accompany them
and end up helping their parents, or they may be left alone at home. When
migrant children become adolescents yet are unable to complete their education,
they are more likely to enter the work force at a young age, leaving them
vulnerable to the gamut of rights violations and related health problems,
including unplanned pregnancy and HIV/AIDS.
Table 6 - General Registration of
Migrants by
Nationality, Age and Sex (2004)
|
|
Age |
Male |
Female |
Total |
|
Cambodia |
0-11 |
3,052 |
2,980 |
6,032 |
|
12-14 |
895 |
922 |
1,817 |
|
|
15 and older |
122,535 |
53,157 |
175,692 |
|
|
Total |
126,482 |
57,059 |
183,541 |
|
|
Lao PDR |
0-11 |
2,388 |
2,399 |
4,787 |
|
12-14 |
991 |
2,427 |
3,418 |
|
|
15 and older |
76,720 |
94,962 |
171,682 |
|
|
Total |
80,099 |
99,788 |
179,887 |
|
|
Myanmar |
0-11 |
33,271 |
29,883 |
63,154 |
|
12-14 |
7,277 |
6,597 |
13,874 |
|
|
15 and older |
462,210 |
382,254 |
844,464 |
|
|
Total |
502,758 |
418,734 |
921,492 |
Source: Office of Foreign Workers Administration,
Department of Employment, Ministry of Labour, 2004
Click here to download
full report on Migrant Health